Episode 98
The year was 1197.
A time when England, France, and the Holy Roman Empire were all steadily advancing to the next stage.
As the realization dawned that a new variable emerging in the Middle East was beginning to make its way to Europe, I found myself at the Vatican, preparing for any potential crises.
“Alexios III reached out to us not long ago,” the Pope began.
“To His Holiness as well? What did he say?”
“You seem to have an inkling, given your presence here. Alexios III is wary of an Islamic attack. Yet, I find it puzzling. Would they really launch an attack after convening a joint council?”
Pope Celestine III continued, his tone laced with suspicion, as he showed me the letter from Alexios III.
“We were beginning to suspect that the Byzantine Empire might be up to something. Perhaps they have ulterior motives to extract more from us…”
“I doubt that’s the case. According to what my wife has heard, Alexios III fears not Saladin’s Ayyubid dynasty, but rather the Khwarazmian Empire.”
“Khwarazm?” The Pope blinked, glancing at the letter again.
“Why is Khwarazm being mentioned here?”
“I’m not entirely sure myself. But it seems Khwarazm is making moves to the north. It’s clear what their target might be.”
“Even so, the triple walls of Constantinople are nearly impregnable…”
“They might not need to conquer it entirely. Their ambition could be to seize all of Anatolia.”
Though the Byzantine Empire no longer held as much land as in its prime, it still maintained a foothold in the Anatolian Peninsula. If they were to be completely ousted, Christian states in the Middle East would vanish entirely. This would be more than just a territorial loss; it would carry significant symbolic weight. It would be akin to the Christian states’ efforts to expel Islamic forces from the Iberian Peninsula.
“The Shah of Khwarazm—or rather, the Sultan now—seems to have mended ties with the Caliph and struck some sort of secret agreement with Saladin of the Ayyubids. Having pacified Persia, it’s only natural for their gaze to turn westward.”
“Is Khwarazm truly such a formidable power? I thought Saladin was the only real threat…”
In truth, the Christian forces had rarely clashed with Khwarazm. Their focus had always been on expelling Islam from the Iberian Peninsula or reclaiming Jerusalem. Frequent skirmishes with the Almohads in the south of Iberia or the Ayyubids in Jerusalem were inevitable, but Khwarazm, far to the east, had never been a concern. Thus, it wasn’t surprising that the Vatican had little information on Khwarazm.
“In terms of territory, Khwarazm might be the most dominant force in the Islamic world right now. Of course, territory alone doesn’t determine the outcome of battles, but Khwarazm is objectively a powerful state, despite its internal issues.”
Khwarazm, with its vast lands and influence, was undoubtedly the strongest Islamic state. Yet, historically, it had its weaknesses. Just thirty years ago, its territory wasn’t nearly as expansive. The rapid expansion left them struggling to manage their lands effectively. Their aggressive conquests had earned them the ire of local tribes, and their diplomatic relations with neighboring countries were less than ideal. In essence, while they appeared grand on the outside, internally, they were a patchwork of instability.
This lack of substance was why, in the original history, they were swiftly overrun by the Mongols. However, the current situation differed slightly from the history I knew. They had improved relations with the Caliph, the spiritual leader of Islam, and had unified Persia over a decade earlier than expected. If Saladin was indeed behind these developments, Khwarazm’s current state might be more robust than in the original timeline. Yet, the instability from their rapid expansion was unavoidable.
“Regardless, if the Byzantines do clash with Khwarazm, it could present an opportunity for us.”
“An opportunity?”
“Yes. Many European nations are currently strengthening their royal authority and challenging the Church.”
“That’s true. There’s been a lot of discontent among the bishops.”
Objectively, that’s accurate. When religion meddles excessively in politics, it never ends well. Once they taste power, even the most devout religious figures struggle to maintain their integrity. History has shown us that when church and state aren’t properly separated, the drawbacks outweigh the benefits.
However, if I were in their shoes, the story changes. It’s not just about seizing power for myself; to manage society more efficiently, a stronger influence is necessary. Since my power base stems from religion, I can’t yet place royal authority above papal authority. Ideally, I’d wield influence gently, minimizing side effects, and gradually relinquish power. It’s not an easy path, but knowing the major future events, I can achieve it.
“Your Holiness, the kings’ intentions are clear. They aim to establish absolute monarchies and wield unchecked power. While it might be challenging for the Holy Roman Empire, France and England have a real chance.”
“That’s not a comforting thought, but as a prophet, you must know. Is that the path God desires?”
“In the distant future, perhaps. But rapid change often leads to societal chaos. The Church’s role is to remain steadfast and unshaken.”
“I agree with that sentiment. But how could a conflict between the Byzantines and Khwarazm be an opportunity? Surely not…”
Yes, with this much of a hint, anyone with sense should catch on. There’s only one way for the Pope to counterbalance royal power: by presenting an undeniable cause that even kings can’t refuse.
“I believe you’re on the right track.”
In essence, Richard and Philip II strengthened their royal authority similarly. They created an enemy that forced the nobles to rally around the king, then crushed that enemy mercilessly. If they lost, it would be a disaster, but victory forgives all. After such a process, the king naturally becomes a powerful central figure, and opposing nobles fall silent.
The Church is no different. If the Pope can create a situation where kings must rally around him, he can rise above them. And in this era, there’s only one way to achieve that.
“A Crusade.”
“Exactly.”
“But didn’t you say that a Crusade goes against God’s will?”
I anticipated that question. When the previous Pope died, I had prophesied that he was punished for recklessly pushing for a Crusade to bolster his power. And a good student always prepares answers for expected questions.
“I did. But circumstances have changed. I’m not suggesting a Crusade to strengthen the Church’s power.”
“Then…”
“The most crucial thing is ensuring that Christian states aren’t completely driven out of Asia. If the Orthodox Church were still opposing us, it might be different, but that’s not the case now. We’re all children of God, and the complete expulsion of Christian forces from Asia would be tantamount to a defeat for Christianity.”
“That’s one way to see it. We haven’t fully reclaimed Iberia, yet they might reclaim Anatolia…”
As the Pope noted, the contrast is stark, making it palpable.
“Moreover, from the Orthodox perspective, they’ve reconciled with the Catholic Church and acknowledged the prophet, only to face defeat by Islam. Wouldn’t that spark skepticism within the Orthodox Church?”
“Indeed, there might be voices criticizing that we were wrong.”
“Of course, simply organizing a Crusade to save the Orthodox Church doesn’t provide a strong enough cause. Your Holiness must clearly define the nature of this war.”
“The nature of the war…”
The Pope repeated my words, his expression a mix of understanding and uncertainty. Sensing his hesitation, I quickly addressed his concerns.
“Europe shouldn’t just aid the Byzantines; we must unite them. A pan-Christian alliance to repel Khwarazm, which dares to invade the land of Christ.”
“You’re suggesting we don’t separate the Orthodox from us…”
“We can do so because we’ve already reached an agreement. Though it feels a bit self-serving to say, I am the bridge between the Vatican and the Orthodox Church.”
Both the Catholic and Orthodox Churches recognize Edward Marshall as a prophet sent by God. Moreover, Edward Marshall has deep ties with the Vatican and is the son-in-law of the Byzantine Emperor, the head of the Orthodox Church.
“If this conflict is framed as a showdown between Christianity and Khwarazm, what do you think will happen? Your Holiness’s position will rise even higher.”
“Ah, yes. The Byzantines alone can’t stand against Khwarazm, so our support will be crucial.”
“It’s essential, you see. We’re not just joining as reinforcements; we’re positioning ourselves as the core of the pan-Christian forces. This way, we can seize the initiative.”
“Not only that, but if we play our cards right, we might even persuade the Eastern Roman Empire to hand over command. Of course, we can’t be overt about it, so we’ll frame it as uniting under a single Christian banner.”
“Oh! If we could actually command those Orthodox folks…”
“We have more than enough justification to join the war. Neither England, France, nor the Holy Roman Empire could refuse.”
The Pope’s eyes sparkled with admiration and surprise.
“If what you say is true, then neither the King of England nor the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire would dare to claim their royal authority surpasses that of the papacy. It’s a brilliant strategy.”
Long-distance campaigns are usually burdensome, but if it’s for defensive support, that’s a different story. We can utilize the Eastern Roman infrastructure and local supplies, allowing us to fully unleash our military might.
No matter how formidable Khwarezm might be, they wouldn’t stand a chance.
Low risk, high reward.
Who could resist such an option?
Even though Celestine III tried to hide it, it was clear he was salivating at the prospect, shifting eagerly in his seat.
But there’s one thing I haven’t mentioned.
Celestine III doesn’t have much time left.
The person who will enjoy the papacy’s golden age he dreams of won’t be him.
And ultimately, the one who will reap all the benefits in the end… well, there’s no need to tell him that.